The result of the polling, held in early November, was an expected overwhelming victory for USDP and NUP candidates. Ring in the new year with a Britannica Membership, Union Solidarity and Development Association. The first test of President Joe Biden's foreign policy came fast: Shortly after dawn on February 1, Myanmar's military staged a coup d'etat against the nation's fledgling civilian government. In an effort to lessen Chinese influence, India shifted its policy from opposing the SLORC to supporting it. China enjoys a considerable head start in the race to woo Y… The USDP and the military rejected the results, alleging that the election had been tainted by fraud and irregularities, and called for the polls to be rerun. The country had been on a shaky path toward some kind of democracy, following the 2015 election landslide for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), and its repeat victory in the November 2020 national elections. Several high-level foreign officials visited the country in 2011—including U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who met with both Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein. Encouragement of private investment and entrepreneurial activity. The government’s failure to provide relief quickly at the outset of the disaster and its unwillingness to accept foreign aid or to grant entrance to foreign relief workers further increased the death toll caused by disease and elicited harsh criticism from the international community. ထုတ်ဝေသည့်အဖွဲ့ – The Harvard Undergraduate Research Journal. The political stalemate carried over into the 21st century, with the SPDC continuing to harass the NLD and the military maintaining stringent control. Singapore was reportedly the largest foreign investor in Myanmar in 2020, accounting for 34% of the overall approved investment. Throughout the 1990s, the military solidified its political and economic hold of the country. Pres. The result was a landslide victory for the opposition NLD, which won some four-fifths of the seats. Saw Maung, seized control of the government. In 1993 the SLORC appointed a new National Convention to formulate a constitution that would give the military control of the reorganized state, but by 1996 the convention had failed to complete its task. The coup was widely condemned on the international stage, and there was opposition to the military coup within Myanmar as citizens held large protests and engaged in acts of civil disobedience. In April 1992 Saw Maung was reported to be in poor health and was replaced as chairman of the SLORC and as prime minister by Gen. Than Shwe. On May 3–4 a powerful cyclone (Nargis) struck the Irrawaddy delta region of south-central Myanmar, obliterating villages and killing some 138,000 people (the total including tens of thousands listed as missing and presumed dead). Some three dozen parties did register for the elections, including the USDA—which renamed itself the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—and one created by a faction of former NLD members. In May 1990 Myanmar held its first multiparty elections in 30 years. He immediately invoked articles 417 and 418 of the constitution, declaring a one-year state of emergency and handing control of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government to the commander in chief of the armed forces, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. By the early 21st century, more than one-fifth of the country’s population belonged to the organization. Yearly Foreign Direct Investment Flow into Myanmar from 1988-89 to 2012-13 (December) Source: DICA 0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 16000 18000 20000 7177.091 217.688 19.002 86.948 91.17 158.283 6065.675 719.702 205.72 984.764 329.58 19998.965 … Be on the lookout for your Britannica newsletter to get trusted stories delivered right to your inbox. The European Union (EU) subsequently restricted trade and interaction with the SPDC, and the United Nations continued to condemn human rights violations and forced-labour practices in Myanmar. FOREIGN INVESTMENT POLICY Since late 1988 the Government has been actively encouraging foreign investment in Myanmar. The next day the State Administrative Council was formed, with Senior General Min as chairman, to handle government function during the state of emergency. Student and worker unrest had erupted periodically throughout the 1980s, but the intensity of the protests in the summer of 1988 made it seem as if the country were on the verge of revolution. Members of the legislature met on March 15, 2016, to vote on the country’s new president. The United States has placed broad sanctions on Myanmar because of the military crackdown in 1988 and the military regime's refusal to honour the election results of the 1990 People's Assembly election. He promised to usher the country toward a new constitution and free elections, but his rule was cut short by allegations of corruption. The SLORC changed the name of the country to Myanmar, implemented the economic reforms drafted by the previous government, and called for election of a new legislature and revision of the 1974 constitution. စာတမ်းအပြည့်အစုံ – Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China 1988-2012: To what extent has Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China been determined by global geopolitical concerns in the period 1988-2012? The migration of more than one million Chinese into Myanmar, massive Chinese support for the SLORC (and, later, the SPDC) in the form of military equipment and assistance in infrastructure development, and the ability of the Chinese to open trade through Myanmar to the Bay of Bengal concerned the Indian government. There were allegations that widespread human rights violations were being committed by Myanmar’s security forces against the Rohingya, including rape, beatings, and killings. In 1997 Myanmar was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a group that tacitly sought to strengthen economic and political conditions within Myanmar and also to curb Chinese influence. The present reality is no different. On February 1, 2021—the day that parliament was scheduled to meet for the first time since the election—the military seized power. Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China 1988-2012: To what extent has Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China been determined by global geopolitical concerns in the period 1988-2012? The country’s next parliamentary election was held on November 8, 2020. After decades of self-imposed isolation and international neglect, Myanmar nevertheless assumed greater strategic and economic importance in the Asian region in the years leading up to the 21st century. စာတမ်းခေါင်းစဉ် – Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China 1988-2012: To what extent has Myanmar’s foreign policy towards China been determined by global geopolitical concerns in the period 1988-2012? The document was to take effect after the election of a new bicameral legislature, named the Assembly of the Union, which eventually was scheduled for November 2010. When in September 2007 the monastic community staged a large-scale demonstration calling for democratic reforms, the harsh response from the military drew widespread international criticism. The August 8, 1988 Uprising. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and U.S. Pres. The strategy seemed to work, as the country experienced several years of solid economic growth. This affected less than 10 percent of the total electorate, but it was primarily ethnic minority voters that were disenfranchised. That action was part of the government’s efforts since 2011 to increase and diversify foreign investment in the country and to attract greater numbers of foreign tourists. Students, mostly from the Rangoon Arts and Sciences University (the present-day University of Yangon) had staged these protests against the then totalitarian regime of General Ne Win. Particularly harsh criticism was leveled specifically at Aung San Suu Kyi, whose long history as a human rights and pro-democracy activist was in sharp contrast to her tepid response to the plight of the Rohingya people as well as her failure to denounce the military, with whom she precariously shared power, for their actions, and whom she later defended in 2019 when the country was brought before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for allegedly having committed acts that constituted genocide against the Rohingya. And Burmese ethno-nationalism is likely to be an important consideration in all internal and foreign relations in Myanmar. Myanmar’s foreign, governance and economic policies will remain unchanged during the state of emergency, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said during a televised address to the nation on February 8, a week after the Tatmadaw (military) forcibly took power from the civilian-elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government on February 1. These included relaxing press restrictions, releasing thousands of political prisoners in a general amnesty, enacting laws allowing for peaceful demonstrations and for the formation of unions, and signing a cease-fire accord with Shan insurgents (a similar accord was reached with Karen rebels in January 2012). Since this would obligate the NLD to accept the annulment of the 1990 election as well as to expel Aung San Suu Kyi and other party leaders from its ranks, the party chose not to register and thus was forced to dissolve in May. The military also asked the government to delay the opening of parliament, scheduled for early February. Myanmar punks take part in a demonstration against the military coup near Sule Pagoda in Yangon, Myanmar, on February 9, 2021. In preparation for the parliamentary elections, a series of election reform laws were enacted in March 2010. One of the highest-profile challenges faced by the new administration was a resurgence in 2016 and again in 2017 of the periodic violence against the Muslim population of Rakhine state, who were known as the Rohingya, at the hands of Myanmar’s military and police. In addition, in early 2012 the kyat (Myanmar’s currency) was allowed to float in value on world markets as one of the initial steps toward economic reform. Late in 2000 the SPDC initiated secret talks with Aung San Suu Kyi (during another period of house arrest), and in 2001 it released approximately 200 political prisoners, evidently as a result of its negotiations with her. The effect of these latter two laws was to disqualify Aung San Suu Kyi, who was married to a British citizen and in 2009 had been convicted of violating the terms of her house arrest (an uninvited intruder had entered her compound in Yangon) and sentenced to an additional 18 months of house arrest. It was clear that Myanmar’s prospects for further economic growth and acceptance by the international community were contingent on democratic progress and an improved human rights record. Moreover, the military regime did not release the NLD’s leaders, Tin U, a former general and colleague of Ne Win, and Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of the nationalist leader Aung San, both of whom had been under house arrest since July 1989; another leader, Sein Win, remained in exile in the West. In addition, political parties were required to reregister or they would be disbanded. The actions of the security forces drew international condemnation, and the government’s weak response to the crisis garnered significant amounts of criticism from the international community for falling far short of what was needed. Worldwide attention continued to be focused on Myanmar after Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. New publications have been devoted to neglected aspects of the country’s society and culture. The NLD introduced constitutional amendments in March 2020 with the goal of democratic reforms to the military-backed 2008 constitution. In late 2004 he too was placed under house arrest and was replaced by Gen. Soe Win. The NLD was thus poised to form a new government in early 2016, although the military leaders were to retain control over such areas as the army and the police force. Most notably, government-imposed restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi were further relaxed during the year, including her ability to meet freely with associates and to travel around the country. but the government rejected the request. Win Myint, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other NLD members were detained and Vice Pres. Myanmar - Myanmar - Myanmar since 1988: Ne Win retired as president and chairman of the Council of State in November 1981 but remained in power until July 1988, when he resigned as chairman of the BSPP amid violent protests. Thein Sein’s new civilian government embarked on implementing a broad agenda of political and social reforms during the remainder of 2011. THE UNION OF MYANMAR FOREIGN INVESTMENT LAW (1988) STATEMENT ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT LAW OF MYANMAR The Government of the Union of Myanmar has been striving hard to promote all round development of national economy to improve provisions of food, clothing and shelter for the people so as to ameliorate their living standards. Polls were not held in some sections of the country, however, with the election commission citing the insecurity from ongoing unrest between the military and armed ethnic groups as the reason. Economic reforms started by the previous government continued to be pursued, albeit initially at a slower pace, as the new administration was more focused on quelling the insurgencies than on reforming the economy, and businesses were hesitant to act until there was more certainty regarding the shape and direction of the new administration’s economic policies. A brief transition period ensued in early 2011. Both houses then elected him as president on March 28, and he was sworn in on March 30, 2018. Than Shwe dissolved the SPDC (thus formally relinquishing his control of the state and government) on March 30, and Thein Sein assumed constitutional executive authority in the country. This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmar’s China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing state’s foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. Parliamentary elections were held in early November 2015 and proved to be the country’s first to be freely contested. Barack Obama at her residence in Yangon, Myanmar, November 19, 2012. In the wake of this unrest, the National Convention finally approved a draft of a new constitution in early 2008 that was to be put to a public referendum in May. The potential for further democratic advancement emerged when Gen. Khin Nyunt was named prime minister in 2003. These included some that would gradually reduce the minimum number of legislative seats reserved for the military over a 15-year period, as well as decreasing the military’s broad emergency powers. Provisions in the constitution ensured that the military would have a leading role in future governments in Myanmar, notably that one-fourth of the members of each legislative chamber would be appointed by the military leadership. Supporters of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi shouting slogans atop a truck during an election campaign, Myanmar, March 31, 2012. WHILE MYANMAR remains shunned by the West, the country's two giant neighbours, India and China, are jockeying for influence in Yangon. The military itself more than doubled in troop strength between 1988 and 2000; moreover, the SLORC initiated a variety of cease-fires with most ethnic insurgent groups, thus giving the government greater control over peripheral areas while increasing border trade. ယခုစာတမ်းတွင် ၁၉၈၈-၂၀၁၂ အတွင်း တရုတ်နိုင်ငံအပေါ်ချမှတ်သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒမှာ ပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေး သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်တွင်းနိုင်ငံရေးအပေါ် အခြေခံပြီး စဉ်းစားဆုံးဖြတ်သလားဟူ၍ မေးခွန်းထုတ်ထားသည်။, ပထမဦးစွာ ဝေဖန်ဆွေးနွေးမှုများမပြုမီ ၁၉၈၈-၂၀၁၂ ကာလအတွင်း တရုတ်-မြန်မာ သံတမန်ဆက်ဆံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆက်ဆံရေးကို ခြုံငုံသုံးသပ်ထားသည်။ အဓိကဆွေးနွေးချက်မှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒသည် နိုင်ငံတကာပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေးကို အလေးထားသည်။ ဆိုလိုသည်မှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် မိမိ၏ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို အမေရိကန်နှင့် တရုတ်တို့ လွှမ်းမိုးသော နိုင်ငံတကာ နိုင်ငံရေးစနှစ်အတွင်း ထိန်းသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးပမ်းသည်။ ထိုစဉ်းစားချက်မျိုးအရ ၁၉၉၀ နှစ်များမှ ၂၁-ရာစု အစပိုင်းများအထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် တရုတ်နှင့် ပိုမိုရင်းနှီးစွာဆက်ဆံရေးမူဝါဒကို ကျင့်သုံးခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းနောက် တရုတ်နိုင်ငံအပေါ် မှီခိုနေရမှုတွင် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်ဖွယ်ရာများရှိလာခြင်းများကြောင့် နှစ်နိုင်ငံဆက်ဆံရေးကို ဖြေလျော့နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းလာခဲ့သည်ဟု သုံးသပ်ကြသည်။, အထက်ပါသုံးသပ်ချက်များသည် အတိုင်းအတာတခုအထိ မှန်နိုင်သော်လည်း ဤစာတမ်းတွင် ကောက်ချက်ချထားသည်မှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏  တရုတ်နိုင်ငံအပေါ်ထားရှိသော မူဝါဒကို နားလည်ရန်အတွက် ပြည်တွင်းနိုင်ငံရေးအပေါ် မြန်မာအစိုးရ၏ ချဉ်းကပ်ပုံများကို ထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစားရန်လိုအပ်ကြောင်း အကြံပြုထားသည်။ ပြည်တွင်းနိုင်ငံရေးကို လျစ်လျူရှုပြီး ပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေးကိုသာ စဉ်းစားလျှင် မှားယွင်းနိုင်ကြောင်း ရေးသားထားသည်။, မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ပြည်တွင်းရေးရာများသည် ၎င်း၏ နိုင်ငံတကာအပြုအမူအများအပေါ်တွင် သက်ရောက်မှုအား ထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစားရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခြင်းမှာ အရှေ့အာရှ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နားလည်မှု အားနည်းသွားစေနိုင်သည်။, စာတမ်း၏ တတိယနှင့် နောက်ဆုံးအပိုင်းတွင် ပြည်တွင်းရေးရာ အခြေအနေများကို လေ့လာသုံးသပ်ရာ၌ တရုတ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် မြန်မာ့နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒကို ချမှတ်ရာတွင် ပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေးအရ စဉ်းစားချက်သည် အတိုင်းအတာတစ်ခုအထိသာရှိပြီး ပြည်တွင်းနိုင်ငံရေးစဉ်းစားချက်များကသာ ပိုမိုအရေးပါသောအခန်းကဏ္ဍတွင်ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို တင်ပြထားသည်။ ယခုစာတမ်းကို ပြုစုရာတွင် တစ်ဆင့်ခံ စာအုပ်၊ စာတမ်းများသာမက တရုတ်-မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး အီလစ်များ၊ အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ ရန်ကုန်မြို့ရှိ အရပ်ဖက်လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို ၂၀၁၂ခု နှစ်၊ သြဂုတ်လက ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့် လူတွေ့မေးမြန်းချက်များအပေါ် အခြေခံထားပါသည်။.